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While the Anglo-Russian agreement had divided Iran into spheres of influence, it had implied consultation between the Russians and the British; and the latter had been sympathetic to the constitutional movement. The practice of Islam, its reproduction, and its transmission to future generations took place in largely autonomous local communities. The last half-century of imperial rule in Russia was a time of massive change in the various Muslim societies of the empire.
While Jadidism shared with other currents of religious reform a concern with the renewal of the Muslim community, its intellectual inspiration, its social basis and its modalities of operation were quite distinct. In addition, large numbers of people, especially in Central Asia, the Kazakh steppe, and northern Caucasus, remained beyond the reach of religious reform. Afghanistan as a territorially defined buffer state between British India and tsarist Russia, with its current boundaries, however, took shape during the last two decades of the nineteenth century.
Bloody wars and chaos lasted for nearly four decades, culminating in the First Anglo-Afghan War. The Russians and the British were aiding and encouraging such attacks against the Afghans. The period saw the one-quarter of the world's Muslims who lived in the Indian subcontinent enter the modern world. The sayyid preached a message of Islamic reform through northern India, interspersed in with a pilgrimage to Mecca. The Mutiny uprising of was a defining moment both for the British and for the Muslims of north India. Sayyid Ahmad Khan led the process of constructive engagement with British rule.
Sayyid Ahmad's concern that education should be effective meant that he wrestled with the issue of which medium at the higher level was appropriate, English or the vernacular. Sayyid Ahmad's achievement was just the fashioning of Islamic modernism and creating the key institution of Muslim higher education. The All-India Muslim League played the key role in advancing the Muslim cause as what came to be known as the Morley-Minto council reforms went through Parliament.
Reforming syncretic Islam was a central issue for nineteenth-century South-East Asia and China, often leading to violent conflict. Maritime South-East Asia's believers generally lived under Muslim rulers around , but 'Javanism' remained powerful, and other faiths were prominent.
Nineteenth-century reform diffused through hubs of piety, linked to the wider Islamic world. Violence broke out during religious processions and rituals, giving rise to local massacres and Islamic calls to holy war. A marked break with the policies of the Dutch East India Company occurred in In the long perspective of historical development, as well as the nineteenth century, sub-Saharan Muslim societies have developed different expressions of 'Islamic religious culture'.
The wars that ended with the victory of Muslim religious scholars were legitimised in religious terms and came to be regarded as jihads. Traditions of coexistence of Islam and pre-Islamic communal cults became, at the same time, increasingly obsolete, and pre-Islamic religious traditions were marginalised. Whereas seas of sand connect the northern and southern reaches of the Sahara, the Indian Ocean and the monsoons connect the East African coast with the shores of India and Arabia.
In the nineteenth century, the societies of the East African coast came to experience a series of crises which were linked, in political terms, with the rise and demise of the sultanate of Zanzibar-Oman. Westernisation has been the central ambition of the modern Turkish Republic since its foundation in In the aftermath of the First World War, most territories of the Ottoman Empire were either colonised or fell under the occupation of French, British, Italian or Greek forces.
The Lausanne Treaty represents the end of a period of population shuffling that had affected the Ottoman territories since at least the Russo-Turkish War of By the end of the Second World War Republican People's Party rule was identified with the restriction of civil liberties and the deterioration of economic conditions in the country. On 12 September Turkey's military made one more effort to re-establish control over social change, launching a new coup.
The loss by the Ottoman Empire of its last Arab provinces during the First World War, and the dissolution soon thereafter of the Ottoman state itself, opened up the possibilities of radical political change in the region. The awarding of the mandates for Syria to France and for Mesopotamia and Palestine to Great Britain by the League of Nations in April sanctioned the occupation of these territories and opened the way for their political reorganisation. Some of those who participated in the war of were volunteers from the Muslim Brotherhood in Transjordan.
The young army officers, state servants and urbanised peasantry who played an increasingly prominent part in the politics of the region were driven by the visions of Arab nationalism, of state socialism and of Marxism. In Hizbullah outlined its main goals: Egypt was the springboard for the Gallipoli campaign, then the invasion of Syria. Egyptian nationalists laid foundations for an independent constitutional monarchy and the onset of the liberal era. Secular liberals, socialists, Marxists and Islamists all supplied terms of discourse and models for social activism and reorganisation.
Egypt at mid-century remained a rural nation uncertain of its relationship to the broader Arab world. The Second World War stimulated Egyptian industry, and rural overcrowding prompted mass migrations to urban centres, particularly Cairo. By the Free Officers envisioned a coup, but acted only when they feared arrest. Gamal Abd al-Nasser d. Public opinion, however, swung towards Najib, and the revolutionary council recalled him. Underpinning the optimism of the Nasser era was a modern secular society, very much a continuation of trends dominant throughout the twentieth century.
Sudanese have struggled to forge a national identity within African, Arab, Christian, Muslim and animist traditions. The Sudan is about a third 'Northerners', who may claim an 'Arab' identity since Arabic is their first language. The Anglo-Egyptian 'Reconquest' launched British colonial administration following the Karari massacre and the assassination of the Mahdist Khalifa Abd Allahi with his surviving group. Sudan is on one of the historic pilgrimage routes to Mecca across the Sahel.
On 1 January the British withdrew and Sudan was restored as an independent state under the National Unionist Party-dominated parliament. By southern resistance transformed into the Anya-Nya guerrilla force linked with the Sudan African National Union and other exile groups. The lives of the poor in Sudan deteriorated due to the civil war and underdevelopment, yet elite areas in Khartoum still grew. The al-Bashir regime stood committed to its Islamist policies and repression of dissent through much of the s. At the start of the First World War, no region of the Maghreb had eluded European colonial rule, although the length and intensity of their experiences varied.
Algeria was, in theory, fully integrated with France, while in Tunisia the protectorate created the appearance of sovereignty even as it concentrated effective power in the hands of European officials. As colonial officials attempted to thwart political opposition in Algeria and Tunisia during the s, their colleagues in Morocco and Libya still faced armed resistance. The participation of Moroccan units of the Spanish army in that country's civil war drew North Africans into European hostilities even before the outbreak of the Second World War. Developments in Algeria contributed significantly to the decision to acknowledge Moroccan and Tunisian sovereignty.
Post-war Algeria's political history generally replicated that of the protectorates. In and , after several years of liberalising reforms had failed to cut through Algeria's economic morass, strikes and demonstrations exploded across the country. Prior to Arabia's passage to a hydrocarbon economy, agriculture, pastoral nomadism and caravan trade were the main sources of livelihood. The kingdom of Saudi Arabia is the third incarnation of Saudi-Wahhabi power. The indeterminacy of international borders among Oman, Abu Dhabi and Saudi Arabia fostered rival claims to concession areas held by foreign companies.
Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar and the Trucial states had Exclusive Agreements with Great Britain that gave London an exclusive role in foreign relations, provided shaykhs independence from larger regional powers and strengthened shaykhly lineages against internal challenges. In Bahrain became the first Gulf shaykhdom to enter the global oil market when an American firm, the Bahrain Petroleum Company obtained a concession.
Yemen possesses the most extensive and productive agricultural lands in the peninsula, allowing for relatively dense settlement of Arabia's second most populous country. Iran's tumultuous history during the twentieth century swirled around conflicts over political power, economic resources and ideological schisms. Britain invaded Iran in January on the heels of Russia's October revolution as Bolsheviks withdrew their troops from Iran and renounced all tsarist privileges. Reza Khan's action was approved by highranking British officers and officials, who argued that Iran needed a military strongman.
Reza Khan installed the Pahlavi dynasty and became known as Reza Shah. The most important development following the Second World War was the nationalist movement opposed to foreign control of Iran's oil, as during the war the Americans, and later the Soviets, attempted to win oil concessions from Iran. Ruh Allah Musawi Khomeini condemned virtually all aspects of the White Revolution and their broader implications for Iran's place in the world.
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The political and economic developments of the early s led to a realignment within the system and set the stage for the conflicts of the s. The indigenous peoples of Central Asia and the Caucasus underwent profound changes from the First World War to the early twenty-first century. Wartime demands imposed heavy burdens on many inhabitants throughout the Russian empire.
In the final months of the First World War the southern Caucasus was a bone of contention between the Ottoman and British empires. By the Bolsheviks' successes on other fronts in the civil war enabled them to divert more forces to Central Asia. After the civil war the leadership in Moscow began to reorganise the country's administrative structure. Soviet policy towards the non-Russians in the early s also applied to cultural matters. The policy was described by the slogan 'national in form, socialist in content'. In the late s the Kremlin under Joseph Stalin launched initiatives designed to transform the Soviet Union along socialist lines.
Aman Allah gained control of Afghanistan's foreign affairs, hence independence, from British India following a brief war. The central focus of the anti-Aman Allah campaign became his modernisation policies. Nadir Shah, the founder of the Musahiban dynasty, introduced policies with lasting impact upon the future course of Afghanistan's political, social and economic developments. The decade of Daud's rule proved to be crucial for the Afghan state and its relationship with both Islam and ethnic communities.
The Cold War made it possible for Daud's regime to receive substantial foreign aid from both the Soviets and the West. The People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan coup and direct Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan offered the fledgling Islamist movements a new lease on life. The jihad victory culminated in renewed regional proxy wars, the rising menace of the Taliban and Talibanism and the 11 September terrorist attacks against the United States, followed by US intervention and the ongoing so-called 'War on Terror'.
In the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms, which devolved some powers on Indians in the provinces, and the Rowlatt Act, which restricted Indian civil rights, had changed the legal and political structure of British colonialism. The legacy of Muslim activism at the turn of the century, combined with Azad and Iqbal's influence, laid the foundations for debates on religion, society and politics. The inter-war period was one of uncertainty for Indian Muslims.
British rule had destroyed their position of dominance, and they were anxious about their fate in independent India. During the inter-war years the British had recognised Muslims as a separate political community. The Muslim League took advantage of this to challenge Congress's claim on Muslim politics. Given the circumstances of Pakistan's birth, the place of Islam in politics soon became central to national debate.
The last stand of South-East Asia's independent Muslim polities took place at the turn of the twentieth century. In South-East Asia's new cities, the expansion in popular literacy combined with migration and population growth to create restless Muslim publics, eager to explore new modes of piety and politics. The twentieth century introduced a new wrinkle into Muslim South-East Asia's pluralist legacy. In South-East Asia itself the most distinctive development in the early twentieth century was, not just the spread of Islamic reform, but the growing appeal of Cairene ideas linking religious renewal to nationhood.
Minangkabau had a history of politicised reformism. Most countries in South-East Asia have at least some Muslims among their native population. The state-supported system of Islamic universities expanded during the Suharto era, blossoming into twenty-eight university campuses. In post-war Malaysia the drivers of Muslim culture and politics were not secular nationalism and Islamism, but ethnic competition between Malays and non-Malays.
The twentieth century was decisive in making Islam the faith of significant numbers of Africans south of the Sahara. It examines colonial encounters between European officials and Muslims, and is followed by an analysis of Muslim expansion. The chapter then assesses Muslim participation in nationalist and post-colonial politics and recent Islamic movements. From the late nineteenth century Europeans imposed their rule in sub-Saharan Africa. Working relations developed between British officials and Muslim elites in northern Nigeria, a territory including the Sokoto empire founded after Usman dan Fodio's nineteenth-century jihad.
Colonial officials remarked on the widespread and often rapid expansion in Muslim affiliation in sub-Saharan Africa. Muslims participated in nationalist movements that pushed for independence across sub-Saharan Africa after the Second World War. The new 'scripturalism', with its emphasis on textual authority, occurred at a time of increased interaction in the Islamic world. The First World War China has been engaged in an unremitting project of nationalisation that includes, emancipation from its imperial past, engagement with Western political institutions and establishment of its sovereignty over its bounded territory.
This chapter examines Islamic identity and expression in China with special attention to the Hui and Uyghur. Islam in China has primarily been propagated over the last 1, years among the people now known as Hui, but many of the issues confronting them are relevant to the Turkic and Indo-European Muslims on China's inner Asian frontier.
Current Trends in Islamist Ideology
The hierarchical organisation of Sufi networks helped in the mobilisation of large numbers of Hui during economic and political crises of the seventeenth through the nineteenth centuries. During the Cultural Revolution Muslims became the focus for both anti-religious and anti-ethnic nationalist critiques, leading to widespread persecutions, mosque closings and at least one large massacre of 1, Hui following a uprising in Yunnan Province. Muslims represent a permanent, expanding and diverse element in the populations of most Western states.
The historical engagement of Islam with the West has always reflected changing commercial, military and geopolitical power balances. Muslim migration to Britain, France and the Netherlands represented an offshoot of the mainstream of migration that transported thousands of Muslims as slaves and indentured labour to the colonies and even the metropole itself.
Eastern Europe by the s contained an estimated 8,, Muslims, comprising about 15 per cent of the population. The housing profile of Muslims has similarly been shaped by migratory history, socio-cultural and educational background and material circumstances. Muslim communities in the early twenty-first-century West articulate their specific needs in the context of external factors and constraints, such as racism and available socio-economic opportunities.
Muslims living in early twenty-first-century Western transnational space are busy creating a range of identities that combine their consciousness of the umma with their citizenship of societies in the West.
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Find books, articles, and more…. Catalog Journals Citation Linker Databases. Item request has been placed! Item request cannot be made. Search Results Display Settings Results per page: Ideology , Utopia and Islam on Campus: Discursive Contestations and Pluriversal Futures: Representation of Islam in social media discourse produced by an apostate Authors: Coen, Alise 1 Source: Sen, Abdulkerim ; Starkey, Hugh Source: Islamized Ideologies in the Pakistani Education System: The Need for Religious Literacy Authors: Islam and feminism in post-colonial era Authors: Islam and Human Life: Nationalism and religion from the point of view of the philosophical heritage of Islam Authors: Women's Education in Saudi Arabia Authors: Toker Gokce, Asiye Source: From Kamikaze to Jihadist: What Are Its Causes?
Msellemu, Sengulo Albert Source: Right to Basic Necessities of Life in Islam: The Rationality of Radical Islam. Wiktorowicz, Quintan ; Kaltenthaler, Karl Source: Islamism, Post-Islamism, and Civil Islam. Participant Recruitment through Social Media: From Orientalism to neo-Orientalism: Early and contemporary constructions of Islam and the Muslim world. Kerboua, Salim 1 salimkerboua gmail.