This distinction continued through various forms of discrimination and xenophobic ideologies Serrano and Montoya Thus, one of the main characteristics and shortcomings of Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack's , approach was the emphasis on class as a homogeneous analytical category. The authors' notion of migrant labor as a class assumed a unity of working class identity in the sending communities before immigration to northwestern Europe occurred Castles and Kosack Castles and Kosack argued that migration to an industrialized, urban society promoted the independence and emancipation of women, particularly when women who had not worked for pay in their home country took paying jobs: Migration to Western Europe is certainly an act of emancipation for many people.
Such [migrant] family structures are matched by traditionalist social norms, particularly with regard to the position of women. Arrival in Western Europe, where women are expected to dress attractively and where they take an active part in economic and social life can cause considerable difficulties for immigrants, whether men or women Castles and Kosack The authors prioritized working-class subordination over other types of subordination rather than exploring power relationships between, for example, men and women.
Immigrant women's access to waged work was seen only in terms of an abandonment of an attributed norm of non-employment. Castles and Kosack identified work with a paid activity, usually performed outside the home, which enjoyed, in general, social recognition. This implied the perception that women who "worked" as housewives or who were not recognized as legal workers did not work.
Immigrant women, who "worked" as housewives or "worked" in domestic service but in the informal sector, were subject to pre-capitalist work relationships, since their work did not fall in the category of a commodity, as was the case with paid work. Women became a non-recognized category of worker and, therefore, invisible and more dependent than any other. Castles and Kosack's allusions to women's work were usually located by reference to their families, as the following quotation demonstrates: Women were considered problematic since their inactivity worsened the problems of adaptability to the host country experienced by the family.
Castles and Kosack's discussion focused on women's alienation, the divisions that they suffered between themselves and other members of the family, and their lack of understanding of the industrial world in which their husbands lived. The authors contributed to a widespread assumption about immigrant women as simple followers of men, with inadequate skills and an inadequate knowledge to live in a modern urban environment, and a tendency toward submissiveness rather than resistance.
Castles and Kosack studied women as a special category of immigrants who were successful in the process of migration so long as they embraced the host society's "modern and emancipatory" value system. Nevertheless, this perspective did not reveal the complex interactions that developed between family members or between women and the dominant society. She indicated that many authors had made gross assumptions about the cultural background of immigrant women.
The approach, typified by the work of Castles and Kosack, constructed a picture of rigid societies, which, in reality, were undergoing change. It silenced the distinctions between sending and receiving countries and the diversity within countries. It failed to highlight regional, cultural, class, linguistic, and gender differences. Their perspective rated the emancipation and oppression of women in the host society, as opposed to the home country, based on a belief that in northwestern Europe less oppression exists than in a "traditional" country.
Although women's freedom to take employment may be a necessary prerequisite for economic independence and an "egalitarian" relationship within the family Delphy and Leonard It must be recognized that many immigrant women in Western societies work under conditions that are far from emancipatory in any sense of the word.
Twelve years later, Castles and Kosack confirmed their views in a postscript to the second edition of their book: Men originating from traditional societies observe the increasing independence of women with suspicion and fear Castles and Kosack Two assumptions demarcated Castles and Kosack's work: First, "tradition" became an alternative for an analysis of immigrant women's specific sociocultural backgrounds.
The authors relied on stereotypes of immigrant women as dependents, migrants' wives or mothers, unproductive, illiterate, isolated, and secluded from the outside world. These characteristics were usually attributed to the women's alleged "cultural background" and labeled as "tradition. Thus, Castles and Kosack's stereotype operated for all migrant women irrespective of their specific national and cultural origins.
Immigrant women seemed to acquire the right to a sociological existence once they were acknowledged as economically active, as productive. Paid work, as an attribute of modern society, facilitated the transition to modernity. These approaches are silent concerning how immigrant women's experiences might differ from those of an ungendered individual or how geographic mobility across national boundaries, and by different social classes, might alter culturally rooted understandings of femininity.
Castles and Kosack have barely investigated gendered processes in the construction and maintenance of perceptions of femininity. Women Migrants as a Racialized Working Class. Another categorization that this article questions is the view of women immigrants as a racialized working class.
Robert Miles and Annie Phizacklea's work has sought to prioritize the role that class and production relations played in the reproduction of racism and migration. However, this approach carries problems of economic determinism and theoretical abstraction Phizacklea and Miles ; Miles ; Phizacklea ; Phizacklea As Annie Phizacklea illustrated, the issue in the migrant labor approach was not "race," as such, but the racialization of a specific migrant population in the historical context of post Britain: There are important differences between the indigenous and the migrant group, which derive from migrant status.
In analysing the effects of migrant status, we are examining the relationship between the ideological and politico-legal factors. The first layer of that relationship is between nations, between the economically dominant capitalist nations the importers of labour and the economically dependent "sending" formations It needs to be recognised that the ideology of racism is not only directed at ex-colonial migrant labour, but all foreign labour. Thus, the second layer of this relationship is between migrant labour and indigenous labour and the deep division this ideology of racism creates between them, resulting in exclusionary practices and the fragmentation of the working class Phizacklea The migrant labor approach emphasized the ways in which migrant labor was included or excluded in terms of the relations of production.
Miles and Phizacklea argued on the basis of a critical reinterpretation of classical and neo-Marxist theories of class, the state, and ideology. They constructed a theoretical model of racism, which prioritized the political economy of migrant labor as opposed to what they called the "race-relation problematic" Miles Miles saw "race" itself as an ideological category that required explanation and, therefore, could not be used for either analytical or explanatory purposes Miles With regard to women migrants, Phizacklea stated: Migrant women workers are very much a part of [the] Western European working class, their issues are class issues, and to ignore them is to consciously lend support to those who actively seek to weaken the working class internationally Phizacklea Miles and Phizacklea claimed that the concept of race was a social construction, which attributed meanings to certain patterns of phenotypic variation Miles and Phizacklea This process of attributing meaning to "race" resulted in a reification of real social relations into ideological categories and led to the commonsense acceptance that "race" was an objective determinant of the behavior of black workers or other racially defined social categories Miles Precisely because they conceptualized "race" as an ideological reification, they suggested that "race" could not be the object of analysis in itself, since it was a social construction.
In rejecting the descriptive or analytical value of "race" as a concept, Miles and Phizacklea insisted on the importance of racism, and the formation of what they called a racialized fraction of the working class and other classes Phizacklea and Miles However, with the rejection of the category of race, they did not consider the specificity of the ethnic category Anthias Miles' approach was interpreted as a way of emphasizing the role of class determination as opposed to "race.
He distinguished between processes of generation and reproduction of ideologies and pointed out the need to develop a specific analysis of ideologies in particular historical contexts. Miles claimed that production relations provided the historical and structural context within which racialization occurred. According to Miles, the emphasis on production relations, not the importance of culture, provide the material and political basis for racism within the working class.
The description of "racialized" workers as a class fraction in the United Kingdom did not analyze the heterogeneity of labor categories and the varied employment characteristics of other European migrants. Anthony Cohen underlines the confusion in the terms "racism" and, hence, its derivative "racialization": Racism becomes defined in terms of features which are specific to black or Afro-Caribbean experience, for example, or to the peculiarities of English history, so that anti-Semitism or the specific articulations of racism which have developed in, say, the Irish or the Scottish contexts or in other European countries are treated as "special cases" because their inclusion would "deconstruct" the ideal type But putting these accounts together does not add up to a multidimensional approach that could provide the basis for a general theory; it only amplifies their essentialism Cohen Thus, the host society may represent immigrants differently depending on whether immigrants are phenotypically distinctive from the majority of the host group population.
Cohen points out that the host society may exhibit discriminatory responses to "white" "ethnic groups" that are different from its discriminatory responses to "black" groups. Therefore, migrants' self-representations must be considered in order to distinguish their experiences from the abstract and amalgamating position of "racialized working class" that emerges from Miles' theorization.
Phizacklea and Miles and Phizacklea argued that migration to an industrialized, urban society encouraged women who had not worked for pay in their home country to take jobs. As Phizacklea pointed out: For millions of women, the transition from unwaged to waged work has come about through migration Wherever a woman comes from, wherever she migrates to, whether or not she works, is married, or has children her primary role in life will be defined not as a waged worker but as a mother and a domestic labourer Phizacklea This approach suggested a radical shift of focus from Castles and Kosack's work, which assumed immigrant women's dependence on their husbands and families, to viewing women as waged workers.
However, Phizacklea's work contains two assumptions: First is a gross generalization that immigrant women did not work for pay prior to their arrival in the host country. The research of H. Buechler and Caroline Brettell , on immigrant women in Europe, and Seller on immigrant women in the United States demonstrated that a majority of working-class women immigrants worked for pay in their home country. Second, Phizacklea's work assumes a homogeneity in the histories of women immigrants and the reasons underlying their decision to emigrate.
The assumption is that women emigrated for economic reasons rather than, for example, pressure from family or husbands, or to seek adventure or formal educational opportunities. Phizacklea also fails to address differences, within the working class, among women of varying educational levels. Are women with graduate-school education thus classified as "working class"? Furthermore, Phizacklea's focus on a uniform working class erased differences among a wide diversity of socioeconomic and cultural systems. Therefore, the concept of working class needs a more precise definition indicating material and nonmaterial differences, such as formal education.
This article also questions the threefold-oppression model Anthias ; Morokvasic Floya Anthias opened a chapter of her work summarizing the premises ofthis model: This chapter is concerned with the way in which ethnicity and sexual divisions are used by Greek-Cypriot men for the "management" of ethnic or minority disadvantage and for the achievement of the economistic aims of migration: Cypriot women, we argue, suffer a "triple burden" as women, as migrants, and as workers for migrant men Anthias Much of Anthias and Morokvasic's discussion around immigrant women and the labor force was centered on concepts such as the oppression women suffered by virtue of their sex, nationality, and social class.
Anthias pointed to the use of women as a source of cheap low paid or unwaged labor within ethnic economies. In criticizing the gender blindness of the literature on migration, she addressed a gendered exploitation in kin-type arrangements and reflected a concern for an improvement of the condition of migrant women. From this point of view, being a woman became one of the criteria in determining the extent of discrimination. This approach claimed that as foreigners, immigrants, and women, they occupied the lowest levels in the labor-force hierarchy, working primarily as poorly paid domestics, cleaners, and waitresses.
According to this approach, being foreign-born could also confer a disadvantage, independent of sex. In such a case, immigrant women could have lower-status occupational positions compared to native-born women of the same socioeconomic background. In a later work, Morokvasic She had viewed women as passive tools of male networks not as active agents in the complicated dynamics between ethnic networks and labor-market conditions. In other words, while focusing on the usefulness and resourcefulness of ethnic women for the ethnic economy and business formation, the "three-fold-oppression" model did not investigate the question of usefulness and resourcefulness of the ethnic economyforwomen.
Parminder Bhachu argued in this line: These models deny their roles as the cultural entrepreneurs they are Bhachu Inherent in the threefold-oppression model is the risk of concluding that women were but resources for ethnic economies and were a condition for men's access to better paid jobs. According to this model, this led to victimization of women. While the analysis that women migrants experience a triple discrimination as women, as immigrants, and as workers is true, it represents an oversimplification of a more complex situation. Women immigrants do occupy differentiated positions.
However, writers using this model only took into account paid work and, within it, working-class migrant women. It oversimplifies women's experiences and identifications with a working class. This approach did not attempt to locate and conceptualize agency on the part of the women immigrants. This model, however, is useful since it moves away from the essentialist notions of "race" utilized by Miles and Phizacklea.
Thus, by considering women as foreigners, this new identification does not reduce women to ex-colonial or "black" immigrants. However, the "threefold-oppression" model needs an additional perspective, that of the women immigrants themselves: Women Immigrants as Waged and as Domestic Workers.
A number of authors have pursued the broader implications of immigrant women's paid work by pointing out that this cannot be adequately addressed without a consideration of domestic work within the household Foner ; Dumon ; Kutluer-Yalim ; Ley These authors have considered whether migration and women immigrants' employment in the host country led to a change in the distribution of power within the family. These studies, which have attempted to analyze the relationship between paid work and domestic work of immigrant women, have generally revolved around two issues.
On the one hand, these authors were interested in the change in gender relationships within the households in the host society. Therefore, they examined the impact of supposedly new work roles on domestic relationships between husbands and wives and between mothers and children. The focus of these studies varied according to the immigrants' sending countries and their cultural backgrounds.
Katharina Ley's study of immigrant women in Switzerland found that new economic and social responsibilities were the bases for a woman's increasing importance within the family Ley Ozden Kutluer-Yalim's research on Turkish immigrant women in Germany found that women's role in the family was undermined, especially for housewives who were isolated from an extended-family network, and who found themselves increasingly dependent on their children or husband to deal with the outside world, where they did not know the language Kutluer-Yalim On the other hand, W.
Dumon's study on women immigrants in northwestern Europe pointed out a threefold relationship between the paid employment of working-class women migrants and their work at home: First, the reasons for waged work were often family related, with a woman needing to help the household financially. Second, the content of the paid work was, generally, related to doing household chores.
Third, Dumon claimed that paid work affected positively immigrant women's relations with their families in terms of their position within the family Dumon Nancy Foner's work on Jamaican women in England viewed an immigrant woman's improved access to and control of economic resources as the basis for enhanced position and power within the family.
Foner stated that, regardless of other drawbacks, "residence in England gives Jamaican women the chance to earn a regular wage, which has led to a dramatic improvement in their lives" Foner Foner took women's work as an instrument for their possible emancipation. However, this approach assumed that when a woman is actively involved in the production process and has the same power as other productive workers have, the precondition exists for her emancipation.
Foner also failed to recognize that immigrant women cannot be considered as one homogeneous group, but that they vary in cultural background, social class, education, and age, among other differentiating factors. A question to explore is whether emancipation is the direct result of having a salary. Remuneration may bring economic independence but does not necessarily bring emancipation. In the case of domestic work for pay, most women may enjoy the material benefits that come from contributing to the family economy but may not find any psychological reward in the work itself.
The social representation of a job, such as cleaner, may influence how women view that job and, in turn, how they view themselves. That is, there may be devaluation of the job and of themselves for doing that job.
Thus, the type of job women perform may be important for a sense of empowerment. Most of these studies adopted the household as a unit of analysis. This model assumed that strategies of migration were based on a deliberate household calculation that led eventually to migration, regardless of whether people migrated as individuals or as family units. Migration was assumed to be one of the many choices available to households. Yet the attribution of individuals' actions to household strategies has generally been assumed, not investigated.
What were the social constraints that influenced women's work in the labor market and at home? If researchers were to listen to the voices of women immigrants, however, the notion that collective calculations or household strategies drive migration might be difficult to sustain. Generally, social theorists shaped the studies of women immigrants as waged and domestic workers.
In an attempt to correct previous views that emphasized the victimization of the powerless and the force of social structure over human agency, these theorists made efforts to rationalize the actions of working people, women, and migrants. However, this model was not created to understand, for example, the migration strategies of middle-class families or gender relationships that these families might perpetuate after migrating. In addition, this model does not consider other issues, such as the processes that shaped women's representations of themselves, the negotiations women pursued in their gender relationships, and why women had to take work as domestics.
Thus, it is necessary to study the broader context of social change in gender relations within the countries of origin, where the decision to emigrate occurred, as well as to explore how different migration experiences mediated women's histories, which in turn shaped women's understanding of themselves. Working-Class Migrant Women and Language. Other studies are concerned with language difference and its psychological effects on women immigrants.
The inclusion of the study of language in the analysis of migration is an advance in the analysis of the complexity of factors that shape women's identities. A group of scholars researched the importance of foreign-language learning for working-class migrants' ability to get better positions in the labor market of the host country Dumon ; Kutluer-Yalim ; Ley ; Andizian ; Appleyard and Amera ; Boyd ; Seller The relevance of these studies for this article is that these authors focused on women immigrants from non-colonial countries.
Moreover, this approach dealt with language training, which was paramount for immigrant women in the labor market, and in personal relationships with the outside world and their families. This literature also looked at feelings of inadequacy and even shame that immigrant women had when their children had to translate for them in public places Kutluer-Yalim In sum, these studies looked at non-colonial, working-class immigrants, paid work, education, and linguistic difference, with particular attention paid to this last factor's psychological effects on immigrant women.
Some of the authors mentioned in the previous section and other scholars, such as Seller , focused on immigrant women's paid work, and the relation of language training to their upward mobility in the labor market. This body of literature argued that difficulty in gaining access to language- and job-training programs reinforced the socioeconomic stratification that existed among immigrant women, which was closely related to country of origin Kutluer-Yalim This stratification extended into the labor market experiences of immigrant women, where being foreign operated to the disadvantage of some birthplace groups, but not others.
In the Canadian context, Monica Boyd The least disadvantaged were immigrant women from the United Kingdom and the United States, who came not only with higher educational achievement but also from countries that were close to Canada, both linguistically and culturally. A number of authors claim that, in the case of Anglo-Saxon countries, knowledge of English was a major factor in the position of immigrant women in the labor market. Not knowing the language of business and social relations meant that many jobs requiring English were unattainable.
Consequently, a worker unfamiliar with the official language was more likely to participate in an ethnic-linguistic labor market or to hold menial positions such as cleaner, chambermaid in which extensive verbal or written instruction was not needed to accomplish the task. It followed that language acquisition was a key factor in the socioeconomic advancement of immigrants and their integration in the host country Ley Seller in her study, based on qualitative data on immigrants to the United States from different parts of the world, confirmed the linkages between language, job skills, and position in the labor market.
She claimed that these links reinforced socioeconomic stratification that already existed by nationality among immigrant women Seller Women who knew English well were less likely to be limited to employment opportunities in ethnic-linguistic labor markets. However, women who were less educated, who knew little or no English, and who, because of migration policies, were ineligible for additional language- and job- training programs were limited to a set of occupations with lower salaries and less desirable work conditions.
Illiteracy and language problems did exist, which in turn caused and perpetuated the isolation of immigrant women and their lack of independence and self-confidence. In this study, Greeks described language difficulties as one of the most important differences between Australians and themselves: Greeks who tried to obtain employment through official agencies were frustrated by not being able to understand the names nor find the addresses of potential employers because these were written on cards of introduction in English, which they could not read Appleyard and Amera Only rarely did the interviewed Greek migrants find it necessary to use more than a few basic words in English.
They worked in factories with other Greeks, lived in houses inhabited by other Greeks, and socialized almost exclusively with other Greeks Appleyard and Amera Two reasons make language an important identifier when addressing individuals' construction of their cultural identity. First, unfamiliarity with English results in an inability to communicate with the host society and leads to the formation of strong social networks among migrants.
Second, some immigrants show concern for what they view as their children's second-generation migrants' loss of cultural identity when they adopt English as their first language. The multiplicity of analytical categories these studies utilize makes for a richer picture of women's experiences of migration and representations of themselves. However, this work makes two assumptions: Immigrant women are working class and poorly qualified; and access to better jobs results once women have language training the second premise may not necessarily hold true.
Migrant Women as Reproducers of National Ideologies. The work of a group of authors Anthias and Yuval-Davis ; Eastmond ; Yuval-Davis and Anthias is relevant for this article because it illuminates how women are, on the one hand, carriers of national ideologies and, on the other, agents in shaping their cultural identifications in the host country.
This work focused its analysis on women in relation to men as honor keepers, or women in relation to the nation as reproducers of national ideologies. Women, they claimed, occupied a central place in process of signification embedded in racism and nationalism.
Yuval-Davis and Anthias pointed out the relationship between women and nation: Women are also controlled in terms of the "proper" way in which they should [ These studies demonstrated how women were crucial to the construction and reproduction of nationalist ideologies. Women could serve as the symbolic figuration of a nation. When represented as guardians of the "ethnic group" and nation, women not only demarcated political and cultural boundaries but also constructed and reproduced particular notions of their specific culture through their involvement in rearing children and in social and religious practices Yuval-Davis and Anthias In these studies, there was a concern for the woman as a reproducer and as an agent in the production of meanings Buijs These authors stressed that the processes of ethnic formation were significantly gendered, that women had a different relation to ethnicity compared to men.
They claimed that gender was linked to conditions of reproduction of ethnic groups. Women were seen as active agents in the constitution of ethnicity through the creation of the conditions of existence of a group. However, these authors did not sufficiently consider the dynamics of the family for the construction of women's gendered cultural identity in marriage and in the division of work within the family Adkins and Leonard Is the process of reproducing national ideologies a smooth one or is there a negotiation between husband and wife?
Do women see themselves as representatives of their "nation"? In the case of kin-work, Anthias and Yuval-Davis These authors focused on the external constitution of ethnicity, that is, the regulation of marriage. Missing was an insight into how ethnicity was constructed within the family household and how the relations between husband and wife and children constituted a sense of belonging to a particular cultural group.
Joyce P. Kaufman and Kristen P. Williams
Anthias and Davis pointed out that ethnicity created diversity in the family form However, these authors did not address whether the division of work among family members and the lack of negotiations that originated that division were themselves factors that constituted a sense of belonging to a particular cultural group. These authors' work links nation and women as culturally embodied subjects.
Thus, it expands theorization on women's construction of national and gender identities. However, two other themes need investigation: Immigrants as "Others," "Subjectivities," "Hybrids," and "Displaced". All these authors share the notion of subjectivities and displaced and diasporic subjects when referring to migrants.
Post-structuralism challenges all previous assumptions of the migrant as classed, worker, victim, or "black. A post-structuralist approach to migration might use terms such as "other ness ," "marginalization," "narratives of dislocation," "marginality," "diasporic subject," "diasporic context," "hybrid identity," "subaltern communities," and "displaced subject. Subjectivity, they claim, is not essentially given. It is constantly under construction. It is a process in which differentiation from others is a powerful constitutive force Hall According to Jonathan Rutherford: Identity is made out of different elements of experience and subjective position, but in their articulation, they become something more than just the sum of their original elements Rutherford These authors argue that binary oppositions, such as culture-nature or rationality-irrationality, permeate the construction of identities in Western Europe Rattansi The first term is constructed as superior, and the second poses features that threaten the first.
Thus, these authors suggest that power relations construct identities that are always open to dislocation and threatened by the "outside," or the "other," which, in fact, defines the positive elements Rutherford AN Rattansi attempts to demonstrate a post-structuralist analysis of colonial immigration to Britain: Take the stereotypes of British Asians and British Afro-Caribbeans, as part of the cultural repertoire of inferiorization, exclusion, abuse, and discrimination in contemporary Britain.
A postmodern framing is alert to significant dislocations in a process often portrayed as all encompassing and monolithic, smoothly reproducing racialist stereotypes and practices of discrimination in institutional sites, such as schools. A post-modern framing requires that we breakwith reproductive models Rattansi As post-structuralist literature has noted, subjectivities have multiple identities as a result of their participation in various contexts and their engagement in numerous projects Ang-Lygate Some of these identifications may be more durable than others, but none is fixed; they are all subjected to a process of negotiation and re-articulation through various narratives and specific forms of collective action Rattansi Thus, national identification can no longer be propounded as the dominant identification, that is, the identification that should always override other allegiances in scope and power.
Instead, it becomes one identification among many, for the nation is only one of the communities to which individuals happen to belong Ganguly The markers of who belongs within the nation matter, and gender serves as one of those markers Blom Consequently, recognizing that the evolution of the state and nation and the connection to citizenship , and nationalism and national identity, is replete with gendered constructions, led scholars to categorize the ways in which nationalism is gendered.
Legislation pertaining to child custody, marriage, property rights, and so forth enables the state to determine the membership in the state — who is a citizen Peterson The need to preserve and promote the nation and its cultural identity places pressures, therefore, on women to behave in a certain way Peterson As with the literature on the role of women in nationalist movements, the gendered nationalism focus shows that women do participate in nationalist causes, including conflict and war.
As scholars have demonstrated, women support combatants through feeding and clothing them or engage in conflict themselves, often in women-only militias. In this way, women's perceived role in the private sphere of the family is complemented with the public sphere of the nation Peterson , ; for case studies see Lilly and Irvine ; Alison ; Bouta et al. The ways in which nations are gendered entities are clearly linked to sexuality, in particular, the heterosexual relations within the patriarchal family structure, supported and reinforced by the state Peterson ; see also Mosse ; Mayer Homosexuals are viewed with suspicion as their loyalty to the nation-state is questioned by asking how patriotic they can really be as their behavior is seen to transgress what is claimed to be appropriate sexual conduct and gender roles Nagel For example, women in mixed marriages are often seen as transgressing appropriate sexual behavior.
By marrying a man from another ethnic or national group, a woman is perceived as betraying her own group, and her loyalty is considered suspect McClintock ; Sluga ; Kaufman and Williams In terms of gendered nationalism, scholars have examined the connection between gender and nation, particularly what happens to women in times of intrastate and interstate war Enloe ; Nagel ; for cases see Jacobs et al. In large part this results from the connection between nationalism and militarism, as state-building is often the result of anticolonial or revolutionary conflicts Nagel For example, Nagel notes the link between the modern form of Western masculinity and the emergence of modern nationalism in the nineteenth century.
Women also play a role in promoting the nation, through their roles as daughters, mothers, and wives of soldiers, which reinforces women's domestic identity Pettman Women's legal rights of citizenship related to marriage and citizenship of their children, for example, become areas of contestation during times of conflict.
Women's ability to access contraception and abortion are restricted, as leaders call for the need to produce more children for the nation Enloe ; Peterson ; Kaufman and Williams Women were systematically raped. They were victims of forced impregnation, all in the name of furthering the nationalist goals of the leaders Alison The case of Yugoslavia is not unique; case studies by feminist researchers show clearly the pervasiveness of violence against women during wars and conflicts, such as Sudan and Sierra Leone Macklin ; see also other chapters in Giles and Hyndman a ; Coulter Feminist research continues to address the ways in which nationalism is gendered, providing important contributions to the literature on nationalism.
The observation by feminist scholars that national projects can include feminist goals leads to the question of whether, in fact, nationalist and feminist goals are congruent, as will be addressed in the next section. Most scholarship on gendered nationalism demonstrates that women are negatively affected by nationalism, and that nationalism conflicts with feminism. These authors argue that women do not benefit in the long-run by their participation in nationalist movements — that when the movement succeeds in overthrowing the imperial or colonial power, women are relegated to their previous gendered roles as mothers and wives.
Women do not make significant gains in their political and economic rights Ranchod-Nilsson a ; see also Werbner and Yuval-Davis, ; Herr ; Bouta et al. Yet, other scholars argue that feminism and nationalism are not necessarily in opposition, leading to a fruitful debate in the field Cockburn ; Cockburn The relationship between nationalism and feminism calls into question how one defines feminism and what it means to be a feminist. In answering the question about whether feminism and nationalism are compatible, Cockburn states: Moving beyond an analysis of Western states, she looks at non-Western states, such as the Philippines.
Rather, different women experience the nation and nationalism differently, much of which depends on whether the nation-state is able to provide security and citizenship to women. Scholars have noted that women's political participation in nationalist movements can open up space for political activism or close it Ranchod-Nilsson and Tetreault a ; see also West , ; Ryan ; Werbner and Yuval-Davis ; Cockburn Ranchod-Nilsson and Tetreault note that.
While it may be true that all nations are gendered, we must be alert to the specific gender meanings invoked at particular times and places and the ways in which these meanings change over time. In other words, we must resist theorizing the gender dimensions of national identities in terms of concepts that are static or artificially universal: Feminist research needs to focus on how and why gender and nation relations vary Vickers and Vouloukos For example, Vickers and Vouloukos's work on Greek women's participation after the War of Independence shows that the public—private divide was not so clear, unlike most Western European states during periods of nation-state building, in which the public—private spheres were clearly demarcated, and affected women's participation in the nation-state-building process.
The ethnic nationalism an exclusive nationalism defined by ethnicity, rather than civic nationalism which is inclusive experienced in Greece opened the space for the mobilization of women for the national project, within limits. And earlier, West argues for a feminist nationalism — that there is such a notion of nationalism that is feminist even if women do not support individual rights or women's role in the public sphere.
Building on the earlier works and debates on citizenship and nationalism discussed in this essay, feminist scholarship continues to contribute to the literature in several ways many, but not all, of which are listed in the references at the end of this essay. For example, in examining the state itself, Kim-Puri criticizes feminist scholars writing on nationalism and the nation for continuing to view the state as a monolithic entity.
Further research, therefore, should include recognizing the political and cultural exclusions of women and others in society, as well as the inequalities that exist within states Kim-Puri She points to two forms that gender regimes can take: While women remain subordinated in the private sphere relative to the public sphere, and thus excluded, when they enter the public sphere there is still a form of subordination though not exclusion.
A Comparative Politics of Gender.
Irishness, Gender, and Place
In posing such a question, these scholars argue for continued research comparing women's experiences in various countries. Another valuable area of research is on the intersectionality of class, race, gender and sexuality Anthias and Yuval-Davis , ; Walby ; Agnes ; Dhruvarajan and Vickers ; Giles and Hyndman b ; Anderson ; Choo ; Cockburn These social dimensions of power are class, gender and race. Reflecting the importance of intersectionality as a continued direction for feminist research, Palgrave Macmillan recently announced a new series, The Politics of Intersectionality.
The notion of a global citizenship, which can increase women's rights, leads to a question about the changing nature of state sovereignty, the hallmark of IR Gordon-Zolov and Rogers Relatedly, research connecting human rights and women's rights is also linked to the state and the impact of globalization, particularly the notion of transnational feminisms, global feminisms and feminist activism Grewal ; Mohanty ; Hesford and Kozol ; Moghadam ; Ferree and Tripp ; Reilly ; see also Kaplan et al.
Importantly, one finds in the recent feminist scholarship a recurring theme: As evidenced by the numerous books and articles published in journals such as Citizenship Studies , Nations and Nationalism , Ethnic and Racial Studies , Feminist Review , Women's Studies International Forum , and so forth, feminist scholars have contributed and continue to contribute to the growing body of literature.
Feminist Methodologies for International Relations. Cambridge University Press, pp. Economic and Political Weekly 37 36 , —8. Security Dialogue 35 4 , — Women's Human Rights and Questions of Masculinity. Review of International Studies 33 , 75— A Quarter Century's View. Gender and Society 19 4 , — Feminist Review 15 , 62— Oxford University Press, pp.
European Journal of Women's Studies 7 , — Ethnic and Racial Studies 30 5 , — Lasting Solutions to Ethnic Conflicts. Johns Hopkins University Press. Gender, Citizenship and Subjectivity: Some Historical and Theoretical Considerations. Gender and History 13 , — Women and the State in Africa. Gender and Society 20 5 , — Citizenship Studies Issue on international marriage and citizenship. Negotiating Gender and National Identities in Conflict. Nations and Nationalism 6 4 , — War, Women's Activism and Feminist Analysis.
Women and the Nation's Backward Look. Historical Antecedents to Contemporary Debates. International Studies Review 4 , 3— From Partition to Creation. Self-Determination, Race, and Empire: Women's Studies International Forum 29 , — University of Toronto Press. The Problem of Maternal Thinking. Political Theory 13 , 19— Feminism and Theories of Citizenship. Daedalus 4 , 1— Gender, Ethnicity, and Nationalism.
Women's Studies International Forum 19 1—2 , 1—3. Women in Social and Political Thought. Making Feminist Sense of International Relations. University of California Press. The Women and War Reader. New York University Press, pp. Nationalisms and National Identities , Thinking Through Ethnicities , Pushing the Boundaries , New York University Press.
Socialist Review 22 , 45— Gender and History Special Issue: Gender, Nationalisms and National Identities. Gender and Conflict Zones. Gender and Conflict in a Global Context. University of California Press, pp. Women's Studies Quarterly 38 1—2 , 13— Citizenship Studies 3 3 , — Gender and History 5 2 , — Hypatia 18 3 , — Masculinities, International Relations, and Gender Politics.
Gender, Violence and Resistance. Reflections on the Palestinian Women's Movement.
Women's Studies International Forum 22 5 , — Willful Daughters or Free Citizens? Signs 31 2 , — Signs 15 , — British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9 , — Nationalisms, Transnational Feminisms, and the State. Implications For Citizenship Theory. Citizenship Studies 14 4 , — Gender and Society 19 2 , — International Studies Quarterly 53 , — Women and Nationalism in Serbia and Croatia, — East European Politics and Societies 16 1 , — Policy and Politics 21 1 , 3— Towards a Feminist Synthesis.
Feminist Review 57 , 28— Gender and Citizenship in Transition. Citizenship Studies 11 1 49— Worlds Apart or Sharing the Middle Ground. International Studies Quarterly 45 , — Redefining Citizenship for the New Millennium. Citizenship Studies 5 3 , — Political Science Quarterly , — Gender Ironies of Nationalism: Gender, Nationalism and the Family. Feminist Review 44 , 61— American Political Science Review 96 3 , — Beginning a Feminist Conversation about Conflict Resolution.
Security Studies 18 , — The Frontiers of Citizenship. St Martin's Press, pp. Citizenship Studies 12 5 , — Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale: Women and the International Division of Labour , new edn with preface. Women and Politics 25 1—2 , 63— Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity.
Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence. Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe. Politics of National Identity in the Former Yugoslavia. Gender and Sexuality in the Making of Nation. Ethnic and Racial Studies 21 2 , — Annual Review of Sociology 26 , — Nations and Nationalism Special Issue: Perspectives in Politics Symposium: Theories of Knowledge, Gender and International Relations. Journal of International Studies 21 2 , — Fletcher Forum of World Affairs 17 , 1— International Feminist Journal of Politics 1 , 34— SAIS Review 20 2 , 11— A Feminist International Politics.
Review of International Studies 24 , — Signs 30 2 , —8. Power, Agency, and Representation in Zimbabwe. Women, States, and Nationalism: At Home in the Nation? Moving Beyond Fragmented Conversations. Gender, States and Nationalism. Framing women's rights as human rights in the Republic of Ireland. Women's Studies International Forum 30 , — The Woman and War Reader. Feminist Studies 6 2 , — Women's Studies International Forum 20 1 , 21— Nations and Nationalism 1 1 , 93— Politics and Agency in France, Britain, and Denmark.
Nations and Nationalism 4 , 87— University of Nevada Press. Citizenship, Globalization, and International Law. People Out of Place: Globalization, Human Rights, and the Citizenship Gap. Gender and Citizenship in the Middle East. Syracuse University Press, pp. Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security. International Studies Quarterly 41 , — A Review of Recent Works. Feminist Studies 30 1 , — International Feminist Journal of Politics 8 , 84— Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 13 , — International Journal of Comparative Sociology 33 , 81— Sociology 28 , — Women and the New Discourse of Citizenship.
Women, Citizenship, and Difference. Women's Activism and the Transformation of the Public Sphere.
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Women, Citizenship and Difference. Women's Studies International Forum 15 5—6 , — Gender, Ethnicity and Nationalism. A Contradiction in Terms? International Affairs 80 , 75— Women, Ethnic Processes and the State. Feminist Review 39 , 58— Ethnic and Racial Studies 16 4 , — Women, Ethnicity and Empowerment. Feminist Psychology 4 1 , — Feminist Review 57 , 4— Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 2 1 , 33— Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women.
The website of the Division for the Advancement of Women, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations provides information on the Convention itself, expert group meetings, and NGO participation, focused on the area of women's rights. European Union website with publications on citizenship rights, including those of people in internationally mixed marriages.
Publications Pages Publications Pages.